“ drb对爱尔兰和国际事务保持了一定程度的评论,这在爱尔兰没有其他期刊,在其他地方很少有期刊可以发表。它应该得到所有的支持。” X
思考空间,一本庆祝都柏林建校十年的新书 更多信息 

石油为王

科林·墨菲

安哥拉: 历史的分量,帕特里克·查巴尔(Patrick Chabal)和努诺·维达尔(Nuno Vidal)(编),赫斯特(C Hurst)& Co, 256 pp, £17.99,ISBN:978-1850658849

2001年初,在毕比(Bi)的奎托镇(Kuito)一座经过修复的大楼里的一间小会议室里é province in 安哥拉, the local security officer for the United Nations told us of a new government policy that was likely to impact on our work. It was called 林佩扎,表示清洁或清洗。

军队是“cleaning out” the 马塔 – 灌木丛, or forest –为了隔离安盟游击队。尽管没有人确切知道安盟领导人,包括护身符头目乔纳斯·萨文比在哪里,但政府宣称自己有信心与反叛者的战争已进入最后阶段。这是迫使他们公开进入并溃烂的最后一击。

这场战争已经持续了多年– long before any of us, mostly twenty- and thirtysomethings, had arrived in 安哥拉 –对于我们大多数人来说,仍然使我们的工作蒙上了一层难看的阴影。我们是救援人员,我们很忙。战争,地雷和土匪在很大程度上限制了我们进入城镇和狭窄的腹地。但是,在那些事情里面’这种影响,我们试图通过实施喂养,保健和农业计划来减轻数十年来农村贫困人口被忽视的后果。

林佩扎 会改变事情。在一百英里左右的地方,军队正在推进该省,有效地解雇了村庄,烧毁了田野,并把人们送往了一个名为卡马库帕的小镇,在那里有人告诉他们将提供援助。游击队在这些人的土地和劳动中幸存下来,偷了他​​们的食物或强迫他们为他们耕种。军队决心消除这种寄托来源,并且这样做是残酷的。 (约翰·奥’目标乳木果后来将其描述为“razed earth” strategy.) 的se people walked to Camacupa, carrying what they could, and when they got there found nothing except other people. 他们 waited. Some of them walked further, and some reached Kuito. And so the 林佩扎 开始影响我们的工作。

联合国确保了向卡马帕帕派遣评估团的军队许可,我们乘4x4护卫舰队进行了一日游,避开了道路的边缘,因为担心地雷。那里有成千上万的人– 10,000, I think –几乎没有食物,几乎没有淡水,也没有遮盖物,它们可以将它们从觅食的木材中扔出来。人民的状况符合预期。那天,我们将发现的一些最病的孩子带回了4x4车队的奎托,并开始了一项计划,将最坏的情况运到小镇,在那里我们不得不从根本上扩展我们的设施以应对严重的营养不良。一段时间后,安全性得到了改善–战争进一步发展–并且我们能够在Camacupa中打开项目。代理商Médecins Sans Frontières带头。到那时,Camacupa有30,000人,生活在我们所谓的“camps”在城镇周围的贫瘠平原上,以他们来自的地方来命名。

我不’不知道有多少人死亡。援助干预是一个很好的方法。挽救了许多生命,人们至少在这场危机中得以生存,如果下次危机到来的时候,他们又能自生自灭。战争继续前进,我也继续前进。我读到有关 林佩扎 业务遍及邻近省份。然后,在2002年2月,我从一个仍在Kuito的朋友通过卫星电话收到了一封电子邮件。乔纳斯·萨文比(Jonas Savimbi)刚被政府士兵伏击杀死。被俘获的,瘦弱的安盟领导人。战争似乎结束了。的 林佩扎 工作了。

没有什么秘密的 林佩扎. 在 June 2000, the vice-minister for 防御 had presented the strategy to the 安哥拉n parliament. It was “彻底摧毁萨文比部队和手段的战略’恐怖组织”, he said. 的 安哥拉n Armed Forces aimed to “撤离[安盟]人民的支持,将他们限制在荒凉的地区,随后向他们施以怜悯”. “Of course,”他继续说,流离失所者将被引导到适当的中心,在那里他们将得到帮助。“政府机关事业单位 ” and the 民间 organisations.

反对派代表之一反对使用该用语 林佩扎。他说,它曾在殖民时期使用过,他担心它暗示“self-destruction”. A different term should be used, he said. 安哥拉 then had a fledgling (and courageous) independent media. A curt report in the 阿哥拉 报纸说,军队是

迫使中部高地的居民放弃土地,摧毁耕种地区和房屋,以使叛乱分子不再获得支持。这种做法激怒了成千上万的人流离失所,并导致他们被安置在政府控制的城市地区,他们不得不依靠国际慈善为生。

在政府和媒体看来,国际慈善机构在那里协助军队的受害者’s counter-insurgency strategy. But how did 国际慈善 see it? 的 lead UN agency, the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), put it this way in a 2002 report:

Guerrilla and counter-insurgency warfare had a serious impact on civilians living in 军事竞争 areas. Tens of thousands of civilians were systematically attacked by 武装分子 and relocated, sometimes forcibly, into municipal and provincial centres where international agencies provided life-saving assistance. Many populations who entered safe havens were in appalling condition, having suffered extended periods of hunger and been subjected to harassment, looting and physical assault. Catastrophic malnutrition rates of more than 45 percent were recorded among several of the newly arrived populations.

That recalls, for me, a line by 佩德罗·罗莎·门德斯(Pedro Rosa Mendes), also describing the 安哥拉n civil war:

他们 fought for their land, hard and a long time, until they made of it a land of guerrillas and no other crop.

(该行来自 老虎湾,门德斯’s 安哥拉n war travelogue, published by 格兰塔 在2003年。)

Both are essentially abstractions, but where Mendes uses pithy metaphor and captures something of the essence of the 安哥拉n war, the OCHA report uses curt, apparently factual sentences and obscures the political reality (the anonymous “armed elements” in question, for example, were the Armed Forces of 安哥拉). This reality was that the 安哥拉n government was pursuing a military strategy that violated the laws of war. According to Protocol II to the Geneva Conventions of 1949:

它是…禁止攻击,破坏,移走平民或使平民无法生存的物体,例如粮食,粮食生产农业区,农作物,牲畜,饮用水装置和用品以及灌溉作品。

关于平民的被迫流离失所,

如果必须进行这种转移,则应采取一切可能的措施,以便在令人满意的住房,卫生,健康,安全和营养条件下接待平民。

不仅是“国际慈善” – the UN and various 民间 organisations –向政府受害者提供援助’与政府协调的军事战略,但他们总体上是这样做的,甚至没有意识到构成危机根源的政治军事现实。

佩德罗·罗莎·门德斯(Pedro Rosa Mendes)’s 老虎湾 is one of the best journalistic accounts of 安哥拉’战争经典是Ryszard Kapuscinski’s 生命的另一天,这避免了他后来沉迷于非洲概括的趋势,并提供了该国的动人故事’s descent into civil war upon the flight of the Portuguese in 1975. But the genre is a thin one, and the academic literature on 安哥拉 is similarly threadbare. So the publication of this slim volume of essays, 历史的分量, incorporating the work of some of the leading figures in the small interdisciplinary field of 安哥拉n studies (or, more broadly, Lusophone studies) is welcome.

没有说明 林佩扎 here, little on the war itself, and just one of six chapters that in any way explores the impact of the war, and of official negligence, on the rural poor. What there is is an extended inquiry into the nature of the state in 安哥拉 and how it has developed through what editor Patrick Chabal calls its various “transitions”:从早期的欧洲探索(葡萄牙人于1483年首次登陆)到整个殖民时期,独立和内战,从社会主义国家的扩张和收缩到欧洲的崛起。“patrimonial” and “clientelistic”至今仍在统治的政权。

这些话应该发出警告信号:大多数作者都是非洲政治社会学品牌的代表人物,该品牌过分喜欢新词和晦涩的类型学。帕特里克·查巴尔(Patrick Chabal)谈论“neo-patrimonialism”;克里斯汀·梅西安(Christine Messiant)(该书出版前不久就去世了)写道:“霸权统治的突变”;共同编辑努诺·维达尔(Nuno Vidal)描述了政权’s “世袭和客户经营”。两者之间是否有有用的区别“patrimonial” and “neo-patrimonial” 我不’t know; the shorthand is that the 安哥拉n regime is very, very corrupt. What this book does, rigorously, is explain both how and why that may be so, and what may become of it. 在 the course of this, it provides some kind of answers to the questions left unasked above: what kind of government could conduct so wanton a military strategy and why might an international 社区 fail to be outraged by it?

的 answers lie in 安哥拉’高度全球化的经济,以及沿海精英与高原人民之间深厚的历史鸿沟。两者的历史都可以追溯到五百年前。马琳·纽特(Malyn Newitt)’s superb contribution on historical context traces the rise of the Afro-Portuguese, a Creole 社区 arising out of intermarriage between Portuguese settlers and locals, which Newitt identifies as a distinct African ethnic group, with effective independence from its titular sovereign in Portugal, rivalling with other ethnic groups for territory and control of trade. 的 latter consisted primarily of the slave trade: 400,000 people were exported to Brazil over ninety years across the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. (The population of 安哥拉 today is around twelve million.)

奴隶贸易的下降削弱了非洲葡萄牙人的地位,“Scramble for Africa”二十世纪初,它给葡萄牙带来了国际压力,“pacify”它的殖民地。葡萄牙的回应是派遣了有罪的人,并为自己的穷人制定了重新安置计划;在二十世纪的前十年,首都罗安达的白人人口中有四分之一是有罪的或曾有罪的。毫不奇怪,建设繁荣的殖民地人口的这些努力没有取得成功,而且缺乏合格的移民使该国偏颇。’经济发展。殖民计划也带来了种族意识形态的变化。非洲葡萄牙人曾经是葡萄牙帝国的先锋,但现在却被谴责(在一篇论文中)屈服于“非洲妇女稀释葡萄牙血统的无声暗含威胁”。最终,种族关系被编成法律上的区别“indigenous” and “non-indigenous”,以及的类别 阿西米拉多原为created to admit qualified natives into colonial society (as in French colonies). As Newitt recounts, virtually all Afro-Portuguese became 阿西米拉多斯;后来,从他们的人数中得出了民族主义运动的领导人,特别是那些赢得了国家控制权的人民解放运动的领导人。

蚂蚁ó尼古拉·萨拉萨(Nio Salazar)于1926年在军事政变中成立第一共和国后,在葡萄牙上台。 1933年,他创建了 Estado Novo,即新州(New State),这是一个更大的葡萄牙,在这个国家中,拥有殖民地的母国将组成一个可以在世界舞台上竞争的统一实体。萨拉查(Salazar)将他僵化,集中的官僚机构的品牌出口到了殖民地。到1952年,观察员数了27个独立的政府部门,并抱怨殖民地官僚的腐败程度。尽管如此,安哥拉进入了快速的经济扩张时期。在殖民时期的最后二十年里,建造了五座主要的水力发电大坝。国家对公路和港口进行了大量投资;咖啡的生产量扩大到使安哥拉成为世界第一’第四大生产国;钻石和石油在该国占据重要地位’经济和政治。同时,非洲人口受到强迫劳动的压迫,后来又遭受压迫性税收。 1948年,农民缴纳的税款占政府收入的68%。这些帮助产生了“人口大出血”,随着非洲人口迁往城市或邻国,加剧了种族间的紧张局势。

在 April 1974, a coup in Portugal overthrew the Estado Novo. 的 Third Republic was installed, and independence for the colonies (where low-key liberation wars had been under way since the 1960s) beckoned. 的re were then 335,000 Portuguese in 安哥拉, and they started to leave. Ryszard Kapuscinski watched them pack their homes into improvised crates, which became a “wooden city”在港口长大,最终,突然之间,“在海洋上航行”.

I stood on the shore with some 安哥拉n soldiers and a little crowd of ragtag freezing black children. “They’夺走了我们的一切”其中一位士兵没有恶意地说道,转身去切菠萝,因为那水果太熟了,切开后,果汁像杯子里的水一样流了出来,这才是我们唯一的食物。“They'夺走了我们的一切”他重复了一遍,将脸埋在水果的金碗中。无家可归的港口孩子们用贪婪而着迷的目光注视着他。士兵抬起他沾满果汁的脸,微笑着补充说,“But anyway, we’ve got a home now. 他们 left us what’s ours.” He stood and, rejoicing in the thought that 安哥拉 was his, shot off a whole round from his automatic rifle into the air. Sirens sounded, seagulls darted and wheeled over the water, and the city stirred and began to sail away.

那个士兵继承了这个国家刚刚失去其大部分行政和业务类的。它是由种族间紧张的深厚历史所激发,并遭到三个敌对的解放运动的质疑。官僚主义失调使它受挫。它拥有巨大的自然资源,这些资源主要由国家控制。

该州主要由社会主义人民自由党(Movimento Popular de Liberta)组成ção de 安哥拉(解放安哥拉的人民运动,简称MPLA),其解放运动的基地位于首都及其腹地,在北部的金本杜人之中。在苏联和古巴的支持下,MPLA反对Jonas Savimbi’的UNITA(由美国支持)和Holden Roberto’整个1970年代末期和1980年代末期的FNLA(最终将变得无关紧要)。安哥拉成为冷战的前沿。在内部,国家服务崩溃了。尽管有诗人总统内格斯(Agostinho Neto)的社会主义平等言论,但内托本人逐渐将权力集中到总统职位上,将国家从属党派,并监督了1977年政变失败后的一次大清洗。他于1979年去世,乔斯(Jos)逝世é爱德华多·多斯·桑托斯接任。多斯桑托斯(Dos Santos)掌权了23年的内战,三个和平进程和六年的和平,并承诺在以后举行大选。

在 two contributions to this book, Nuno Vidal marshals an impressive range of data (difficult to obtain in 安哥拉) to document how the dos Santos regime has managed to dominate 安哥拉n politics for so long, and at the same time isolate itself from domestic political pressure. 的re were initial advances in the extension of state services, but these were rapidly abandoned. A state building programme managed to complete a few dozen low quality blocks of flats in the capital, then ceased. Of 2,000 university students enrolled in 1980, just 180 finished their courses. Enrolments in literacy training fell from 759,000 to 100,000. Primary school numbers quadrupled in the early years of the new state, to 2.4 million children by 1979, remained static for two years, and then dropped by ten per cent a year to 1985. Education and health services accounted for just two per cent of total foreign exchange expenditure.

国家从社会供给中退出不仅是偶然的。维达尔引用了MPLA中央委员会提交给1985年党代表大会的有关社会部门的报告:

已经采取了一些措施,并且正在采取其他措施,以减少这些部门对国家的依赖’总预算,以便那些从中受益的人们可以实现国家为他们提供的某些服务的真实价值。

同年,在罗安达,公共卫生系统崩溃的4000人死于霍乱。在各省,有50万人因战争而流离失所,“急需援助”由联合国。无疑,这些人确实意识到了国家提供的服务的真正价值。

为什么国家要如此戏剧性地裁员?有人可能认为战争的代价是必要的。但是在1970年代后期,军费开支保持不变,而石油收入却急剧增加。维达尔(Vidal)提出了三个因素:“ruling elites”由于不依赖于人民的劳动而获得的石油横财,财务上是安全的;由于担任总统,他们在政治上是安全的’对党的严格控制,并增加了能够利用敌人安盟的威胁来获得支持的缓冲;他们在社会提供方面的失败被国际捐助者所覆盖,他们愿意为拯救人们免于饥饿而奋斗。

Key international aid organisations and donors, such as the UN agencies, Red Cross societies and Scandinavian countries had been present in 安哥拉 since 1977, and the government intensified its requests for support during the first five years of the 1980s. By 1985, the reliance on aid had become social policy: the same central committee report noted that “诉诸国际合作以补充内部可用资源” was “客观上的必要 ”. 的 government requested $96 million in aid from international donors that year. 的 following year, 1986, oil revenues were $1 billion. 他们 doubled in 1987, to $2 billion. That year, the government requested $116 million in aid.

克里斯汀·梅西恩(Christine Messiant)的猜测:

大部分人口被简单地抛弃了:首先是在农村地区,那里受到战争的影响,自从石油租金使人们有可能在国外购买粮食以来就变得无关紧要;然后在城市,贫困随着时间的流逝而增长,政治支持也在减少。

从1980年中期开始,Messiant确定了治理性质的转变。“classical”她所说的社会主义模式“clientelism” or “savage socialism”。这将一党制国家的体制结构与某种程度自由化的经济的自我增强能力结合在一起。

在1990年代初期,一场关于和平战争,和平战争的苦难传说加强了该政权’s control over the state and external legitimacy. Elections in 1992 were won by the MPLA, and UNITA returned to war; the US abandoned its traditional support of UNITA, and the international 社区 weighed in behind the government. A further, stillborn, peace accord in 1994 established a Government of National Unity and Reconciliation; this contained some members of UNITA, though not Savimbi, and power-sharing was effectively a pretence. 的 country remained geographically divided; meanwhile, the government succeeded in consolidating its international legitimacy. War resumed fully in 1998, and the international 社区 now unofficially condoned the regime’争取对安盟的军事胜利,最终于2002年实现。

这次没有和平进程。安盟被击败,萨文比’国家电视台播放了这枚疤痕累累的尸体,以证明这一点。作为安盟,2002年作出了进一步的大规模国际援助努力’的士兵和支持者来自“the bush” in far greater numbers than anticipated and the United Nations agencies led the scramble to get food and supplies to the disciplined but barren 营地 they established. 的re was talk of a donor conference to mobilise international support for the revitalisation of 安哥拉n democracy and social services, and talk of elections. But the political reality was never far from farce; when I was last in Luanda, at the end of 2002, the wife of one of the leaders of UNITA had appeared on a home improvements programme on television, showing the camera around the new house they had just been given by the government.

那时,也有很多认真的话题“civil society”及其作为安哥拉变革力量的潜力。国际非政府组织对政府的批评越来越强烈,这鼓舞了一些自信的地方声音。战争结束后,政府在社会部门的支出增加了,国际组织也减少了参与。但是,这自相矛盾地为“clientelism”。在安哥拉活跃着许多土著非政府组织。一些是为了提供援助而创建的,其他一些是旨在利用国际组织与安哥拉合作的愿望的企业家创造“partners”; but all were effectively dependent on international funding. As this reduced, these organisations were left vulnerable. Those that wished to survive had to take state funding, and so the burgeoning civil (and supposedly independent) society found itself co-opted to the agenda of the regime. Not satisfied with co-opting 文明社会, the president looked to build his own: both José爱德华多·多斯·桑托斯和他的妻子建立了自己的“non-governmental” organisations –由国家及其客户企业以总统本人的名义资助。

的 president lives in a 复杂 known as the Futunga de Belas, and thus the regime is commonly known in Luanda as the Futunga. 的 extraordinary aloofness of the Futunga from the plight of ordinary 安哥拉ns, and its remarkable security, are primarily due to one thing. As Patrick Chabal says,

石油为王,控制石油的统治者强大。

Chabal阐述了石油经济的三个关键方面。首先是它由Futunga通过国有公司Sonangol直接控制。 Sonangol不仅是石油集团的合作伙伴,而且国际运营商的石油收入和税收也通过它流向国家,几乎完全缺乏透明度。这给了政权几乎无限的赞助。 (国际货币基金组织泄漏的一份报告估计,2001年挪用了10亿美元的石油资金。)

第二是石油财富使该政权免受国际压力。努诺·维达尔(Nuno Vidal)在实践中举了一个例子:他说,近年来,“the World Bank, the IMF and the West gradually dropped their campaign for transparency, accountability and human rights in the face of the new international and economic importance of 安哥拉”。 (这是一个很强的论点,但是’s backed by just one example. 更多 evidence should have been introduced.) Almost half of 安哥拉n oil exports go to the United States; recently, China has entered the field, providing a $2 billion loan to the government in 2004, and receiving stakes in two oil blocs the following year. Competition for oil inhibits the international 社区 from cooperating to introduce new standards of transparency.

Thirdly, as Tony Hodges observes in a detailed dissection of 安哥拉’s political economy, oil has weak backward and forward linkages to the rest of the economy. 的 labour force is small, profits are repatriated, taxes are diverted or embezzled, and there is relatively little 原住民 oil services business or post-extraction industry. 的 population at large, including “civil society”,对收益知之甚少,并且没有收益–除了默认值以外,它不包括在其中。

As of 2005, Hodges notes, there were still some 700,000 安哥拉ns dependent on international food aid. One such 安哥拉n, during an earlier phase of the country’s “crisis”在独立报纸的A Quino文章中引用 佛哈8,在2002年。 荞麦面, or local elder, in Mavinga, one of the most remote towns in 安哥拉, in the southeastern province of Cuando Cubango, colloquially known in 安哥拉 as “the end of the earth”.

荞麦面 说过:

饥饿比子弹更糟。它的作用很慢,会使人的尊严降到最低。看着我,我穿的这些破布,你相信我是一个 森霍?

雨季已经开始,加剧了流离失所者的困境。奎诺评论:

With [the coming of] the rains, Mavinga finds itself even further from 安哥拉 and more distant from the world.

的 vicious paradox of 安哥拉n history is that those who have intervened to attempt to tackle hunger have facilitated the system that provoked it. This is how Mavinga finds itself remote both from 安哥拉 and the world. 在 2005, the international 社区 was feeding 700,000 people in 安哥拉, and the government earned over $12 billion from oil exports. This would seem almost impossible to explain; but, having read this volume, it appears as merely the extreme, but logical, extension of trends deeply embedded in 安哥拉n politics.

Mavinga以及高地和外围省份的人民远离“Angola”多年:在非洲葡萄牙人的奴役下,受到葡萄牙政府的强迫劳动,在乔纳斯·萨文比的残酷领导下受到恐吓,被国家抛弃。历史上,国际社会一直乐于干预以帮助该国。’从社会部门裁员,加剧了政权’与人民隔离。然而,与此同时“community” has prioritised its own strategic interests, first during the Cold War, then in energy supplies, allowing the regime to manipulate its aid and defuse its accusations. 安哥拉 is a lesson in geostrategic realpolitik. And, for all that some of these trends echo elsewhere on the continent, it is a lesson in the uniqueness of individual African states. 的 combination of colonial, ethnic, military and economic forces at play are unique to 安哥拉.

援助部门已经设计出一种概念来适应这种情况:它称这种情况为“complex emergencies”;缩写CPE,用于“复杂的政治紧急情况”,曾短暂流行。但是这个概念本身太抽象了:太多时候, “complexity”成为放弃审判责任的借口。可能发生复杂的紧急情况(如上述Ocha报告所建议)“军事争议地区”,其中的动作“armed elements” provoke humanitarian 危机. That 危机 is the justification for intervention by the aid agencies; the 复杂ity of its cause is a shroud used to cover uncomfortable realities. 在 安哥拉 during the final stages of the conflict, the government violated the laws of war in its pursuit of a relentless and ruthless military strategy. Aid agencies worked closely with the government to bring aid to the people displaced and weakened by that strategy. This was the uncomfortable reality.

本卷对此进行了简短提及:克里斯汀·梅西安(Christine Messiant)对国际社会的著作“违反所有人道主义原则,同意仅向与MPLA一致的那部分人口提供重要援助”。我认为这里的意思是错误的:援助机构在防止援助到达由安盟控制的(或“militarily contested”)地区。梅西安暗示了一个阴谋。我认为,现实是援助部门的系统性不协调,与历史和政治环境缺乏亲和力以及短期实用主义的结合。努诺·维达尔(Nuno Vidal)’s chapter on “social neglect”恰恰暴露了二十年来对危机的短期人道主义对策可能对政治体系产生的影响。在每一次危机中,都有生命需要拯救。那些领导援助工作的人是正确的决定。对于现在挽救的生命与从长远来看挽救的生命,没有简单的计算方法(例如,不干预和挑起国内政治反应)。但是,至少有必要承认,援助机构的工作环境并非简单“complex”,但这是做出道德判断并且干预的某些含义相互矛盾的一种。

老虎湾, 佩德罗·罗莎·门德斯(Pedro Rosa Mendes) quoted a former soldier, Zeca, describing his time fighting in 防御 of the 爱国者.

It was 领土完整…但是我没有为自己辩护,而是得罪了。昨天我只需要吃一块面包。

的 key elements of the 安哥拉 story are all there: the insidious rhetoric of “领土完整”,针对该地区的大部分地区’自己的人民并习惯于拒绝不必要的国际关注;追求“defence” turned into an offence on the people and the body politic; and the hunger, slow, insidious, worse than a bullet perhaps. 的 hunger, of course, was what drew us there, to 安哥拉, to Kuito, and out to Camacupa and its 营地 with names of further-away places. 的re was no obvious solution, then or now, to the dilemma that feeding the hungry might be facilitating the state in both provoking and ignoring that hunger.

But the international aid 社区 was too quick to accommodate this dilemma within its concept of “complexity”. 的 林佩扎 was not 复杂: it was announced in parliament and reported in the media. (Whether any of the international staff of the aid agencies paid any attention to such domestic institutions is another matter.) What to do about it was not at all obvious; but acknowledging it, rather than obfuscating it, might have been something. At the very least, if more aid workers had access to the kind of insight and contextual understanding revealed in this volume, ignoring the uncomfortable realities might have been a little more difficult. Despite the big words and modish concepts, Patrick Chabal and his colleagues call it as it is. 的re is some dignity in that.


科林·墨菲 is a journalist in Dublin. He conducted research in 安哥拉 in late 2002 for a Masters thesis at the University of the Witwatersrand, with the support of the university’的Oppenheimer葡萄牙研究奖学金。

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