“ drb对爱尔兰和国际事务保持了一定程度的评论,这在爱尔兰没有其他期刊,在其他地方很少有期刊可以发表。它应该得到所有的支持。” X
思考空间,一本庆祝都柏林建校十年的新书 更多信息 

‘Staunch 细盖尔’

弗兰克·卡兰南

拯救国家: 细盖尔 from Collins to Varadkar,作者:斯蒂芬·柯林斯(Stephen Collins)&西亚拉·米汉(Ciara Meehan),吉尔书籍,400页,€24.99,ISBN:978-0717189731

几年前,在一次婚礼上,我的堂兄Padraig Gearty遇见了James Dillon。他提到我的堂兄和教母布里顿·里昂·桑顿(Brigid Lyons Thornton),称她为“bitter 细盖尔”. “No, no, no,” Dillon intoned: “Staunch 细盖尔. Bitter Fianna Fáil.” “Bitter 细盖尔”这肯定是我教母的恰当描述。对于一个孩子来说,这很有趣:我第一次听到这个词“bastard” used it was in “that 混蛋”, to refer to Éamon de Valera.

并非最不重要的优点 拯救国家 is 日at it prompts reflection on 日e endurance of 日e strange phenomenon 日at is 细盖尔. 柯林斯和米汉 write of 日e party playing down 日e embarrassing (to put it no more strongly) episode of O’Duffy’s leadership of 细盖尔 when 日e party was established in 1933 by 日e merger of Cumann na nGaedheal, 日e National Centre Party and 日e Army Comrades Association – 日e “Blueshirts” ‑ in favour of 日e heroic figure of Michael Collins. Collins had, as 日ey point out, died eight months before 日e foundation of Cumann na nGaedheal. But it is about more 日an branding: 日e cult of Collins runs deep in 细盖尔. 的 party has also a strain 日at identifies more with 日e Irish parliamentary party 日an Sinn Féin. In ways WT Cosgrave can be seen as more in 日e line of Arthur Griffith 日an of 日e martial figure of Collins, who overshadows Griffith both in 日e public and in 日e 细盖尔 imagination. O’Duffy’动荡和极端主义震惊了党的其他领导层。面对最后通atum,他于1934年9月辞职。那是一段可耻的插曲。 Ø’达菲走上他的“Crusade in Spain” in 1936-37. Irish  identification with Franco in 日e Spanish civil war was sadly not confined to 细盖尔; de Valera expressed sympathy with 日e Nationalists but maintained a policy of neutrality. Some of 日e party’s “intellectuals” (a term 日at has a distinctly right-wing hue in 日e early history of 细盖尔) entertained 日e deluded belief 日at 日ey could return to office by challenging Irish neutrality in 日e Spanish civil war.

柯林斯和米汉 ’s book is a reminder of 日e extraordinary cast of ruddy characters who make up 日e history of 日e 细盖尔 parliamentary party, with which 日ey are principally concerned. While having a broadly similar political outlook 日ey remained individualistic to 日e point of eccentricity. While 日ey could mobilise for an election and function as a team in government over long periods on 日e rare occasions in which 日ey took office 后 an election, 日e party could not, until relatively recently, be characterised as cohesive. That may be one of 日e achievements of Enda Kenny, or perhaps it was 日at 日e failed heave against him in 2010 had somehow a cathartic effect. 细盖尔 seems somehow to have moved beyond 日e era of heaves and leadership challenges 日at began with 日e forced resignation of Alan Dukes on 日e eve of a no-confidence motion 后 日e 1990 election and extended into 日e heaves against 日e leadership of his successor, John Bruton, but actually stretched back to 日e liberal plotting against Liam Cosgrave until his election as taoiseach in 1973.

法国领导人的传记在仪式上庆祝“穿越ée du desert”政治家经历了漫长的徒劳和无关紧要的时期,在家庭成员和少数支持者的支持下,他们终于获得了国家权力的顶峰。在漫长的政治时期中,Cumann na nGaedheal / Fine Gael作为一个政党似乎永远参与穿越沙漠。这是一个因失败而受挫的政党。某些年份脱颖而出。当然会有1932年是失败的最初一年。另外还有1957年第二次党际政府的失败和1977年Cosgrave-Corish联盟的失败。1997年约翰·布鲁顿领导的彩虹政府的失败至少很近2002年的Michael Noonan则没有。选举在此间隔内进行:前两次排斥,1932-1948年和1957-1973年,分别持续了大约十六年。我可以回想起1969年大选后的凄凉,这是第二次选举的最后一次失败,也许是因为这是我非常有意识的第一次大选。

Yet somehow 细盖尔 survived, outlasting challenges from 日e Progressive Democrats and 日e Labour Party of 日e “Spring Tide”。原因之一是聪明的实用主义。 Cumann na nGaedheal / Fine Gael,如果可能真的很难想象,至少不会受到重大经济狂热的束缚。在德兰·科斯特洛(Declan Costello)提出的党派会议上,确实体现了一些实用主义。“Just Society”1964年的政策支持他得到了帕迪·麦吉利根(Paddy McGilligan)的支持,他在1924年至1932年间一直担任工商业部长。“Just Society”可能是一种嵌合体,对约翰二十三世负债累累’s 1961 encyclical 母校,但转向认真思考政策至关重要,这吸引了年轻一代的政客和领导人加入该党。

这也是首次进行自我分析的尝试,反映出Fine Gael与公众舆论保持联系的需要。柯林斯和米汉都很擅长FitzGerald如何相信自己的想法更接近于劳动,以及Declan Costello,Garret FitzGerald和其他许多Fine Gael自由主义者如何积极寻求与劳工联盟,以确保社会进步的政策不太可能在Fine Gael上得到赞扬自己追求。在1970年代的零星尝试中,这具有象征意义。’80年代将党的次要头衔改为“社会民主党’ from “联合爱尔兰党”(从Collins和Meehan看来,1933年中央党的Frank McDermott曾希望该党实际上被称为“United Ireland”;迈克尔·提尔尼(Michael Tierney)提出“Fine Gael”)。拟议的变更是出于善意的–我坚决支持– but in retrospect it appears somewhat askew. That is not simply because confronted with right wing anti-rule-of-law populist parties across Europe social democrats and Christian democrats now have a common cause, rendering 日e now almost forgotten quarrel over 细盖尔’s self-designation of lesser moment. It is hard in retrospect not to concede 日at 细盖尔 fell into 日e Christian Democrat basket, and 日e attempt to classify it as a social democratic party was faintly pretentious. It was also confusing: it is important 日at political parties in democracies should not characterise 日emselves as something other 日an 日ey are. Ironically, 日e enlistment of 细盖尔 in 1976 as a founding constituent of 日e European People’由菲茨杰拉德(FitzGerald)策划的s党,被证明具有重大意义,不仅在于将Fianna Fáil, which was its primary purpose. That European nexus, which Enda Kenny strenuously worked when he became party leader, was to prove important in extricating 日e country from 日e crash when he took office in 2011. What is critical is 日at whether it conceived itself as centre-right or centre-left, 细盖尔 was immune to 日e pernicious siren-song of neoliberalism, 日e ideology 日at was reactively to gift 日e presidency of 日e United States from 1916 to 2020 to Donald Trump. So 日e Irish model endured, with neither of 日e main parties suborned by Thatcherism or neoliberalism.

虽然两个人都是州第一任政府议员费兹·杰拉尔德(FitzGerald)的儿子’s and Cosgrave’s conceptions of 细盖尔 had little in common. Cosgrave was driven by 日e urge to consummate 日e legacy of his father; FitzGerald in his autobiography admitted having voted for Fianna Fá于1961年因对硒的敬慕而升起án Lemass. He saw 细盖尔 unsentimentally –毫不留情地– as a vehicle for what he wanted to achieve. FitzGerald was a restless moderniser who brought a more professional approach to election management and communications. Famously, 细盖尔 only commissioned an opinion poll, which showed Fianna Fá达到其支持水平的两倍以上, 科斯格雷夫曾宣布6月16日举行大选,1977年。在上次内阁会议之后,科斯格雷夫上了费兹杰拉德(FitzGerald),给了他一个档案,说“加勒特,你可以照顾这个。”这是该活动的Arks广告文件。

拯救国家 这是一种有益的提醒,就像放心并希望我们进入拜登时代一样,这也表明了政治专业的重要性,这是非常蔑的对象。

1/12/2020

弗兰克·卡兰南 is completing 詹姆斯·乔伊斯:政治生活. He was Chairman of 日e Trustees of 细盖尔 2013-18.

 

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