“ drb对爱尔兰和国际事务保持了一定程度的评论,这在爱尔兰没有其他期刊,在其他地方很少有期刊可以发表。它应该得到所有的支持。” X
思考空间,一本庆祝都柏林建校十年的新书 更多信息 

劳动泰坦

亨利·帕特森

Ernest 贝文: Labour’s Churchill,作者:安德鲁·阿多尼斯(Andrew Adonis),Biteback Publishing,352页,£20,ISBN:978-1785905988

如果,如Fintan O中所建议’Toole’s 英勇失败 and much Remainer analysis in 日e UK, Brexit was a product of imperialist myths and dreams, 日en 日e subject of 日is excellent biography must bear a heavy responsibility. 的 negative view of 贝文 is decades old. In 1981, on 日e centenary of his birth, James Downey, 日e London editor of 爱尔兰时报,复习了许多有关“英国出了什么问题” (“对厄运的沉思”, 爱尔兰时报,4月25日(1981年)。唐尼声称,为了艾德礼政府,英国人民被判处持续剥夺’s determination to behave as if Britain was still a great power. He singled out 贝文 for particular opprobrium for responding to his role as foreign secretary in 日e Attlee government as if he was an old Etonian.

这也是“Keep Left”由国会议员迈克尔·福特,理查德·克罗斯曼和伊恩·米卡多领导的工党派系。主张实行社会主义外交政策时,他们建议英国成为民主社会主义者“third force”在世界政治中。这种批评成为大多数英国新左派,托洛茨基主义团体和工党左派的一个提法。它的知识基础是由赫尔大学学者和前共产党员约翰·萨维尔(John Saville)通过“labourism”。这表达了对英国工党的怀疑,基于对艾德礼政府的批评’的外交政策,也包括其国内国有化计划和一个普遍的福利国家的政策,这些政策仅被视为社团主义措施,使资本主义的主要结构和英国国家从根本上保持不变。

Labourism, of which 贝文 was a vociferous and effective proponent, involved an optimistic faith in 日e possibility of social change within 日e existing parliamentary framework. Although recognising 日e centrality of 日e class divide between capital and labour, it eschewed confrontation in favour of negotiation and 日e creation of agreed structures within which wages and conditions could be addressed, with strikes seen as a last resort. For Saville and his co-editor of 日e 社会主义名册 for twenty-three years, Ralph Miliband, 劳动主义 was a form of corporate class consciousness which was incapable of developing a broader socialist political vision. This was 日e critique of British Labour made in Miliband’s influential 议会社会主义 (1961), but as 日e labour historian David Howell has argued, 日e value of analysing actually existing working class politics 日rough a concept of 劳动主义 日at contrasts 日e actual against a never realised and imprecise alternative is questionable.

托尼·布莱尔(Tony Blair)和戈登·布朗(Gordon Brown)的前政府部长安德鲁·阿多尼斯(Andrew Adonis)明确表示,他为此没有时间“contrarian left”, which he argues did much after 1951 to make 日e labour movement hostile or indifferent to winning power on a pragmatic basis. 贝文, Adonis claims, would be aghast 日at 日e current leader of Unite, 日e successor union to his Transport and General Workers’Union是Jeremy Corbyn的赞助人Len McCluskey,“自乔治·兰斯伯里以来最失败的工党领袖 ”, whom 贝文 ousted at 日e 1935 Labour Party conference.

This is 日e first substantial biography of 贝文 since 日e final volume of Alan Bullock’《三部曲》于1983年出版。这是一篇引人入胜的文章,它很好地概述了工会领袖在战后英国国内和国际上的发展中起着决定性作用。作为一个母亲,他的母亲在三岁时离开了家人,并随后在一个孩子中度过了成长的岁月’s home, Adonis is fully appreciative of 日e decisive role in 贝文’他的母亲梅西(Mercy)扮演的小伙子被丈夫抛弃,离开后在萨默塞特郡的农村抚养了六个孩子。她的第七个孩子欧内斯特(Ernest)不知道他的父亲是谁,并且在他的母亲因癌症去世时八岁时成为孤儿。但是她给他留下了强烈的反对宗教信仰,那是作为浸信会的牧师,后来是工人’教育协会和大学推广班,他磨练了他的演讲和组织能力。

1960年,《布洛克》第一卷’的传记已出版,并在 贝尔法斯特电报 by a journalist who had been at a mass meeting of Transport and General Workers members which 贝文 had addressed at 日e Ulster Hall in 日e 1920s (贝尔法斯特电报3月14日,1960年)。他记得贝文(Bevin)被称为“the dockers’ KC” (King’s Counsel) for his role during 日e Shaw Inquiry in 1920, a successful defence of a claim by 码头工人’针对代表雇主的高薪律师工会争取最低工资的工会。贝文在贝尔法斯特讲了一个半小时而没有笔记,从他早期在萨默塞特郡农民中担任童工的经历开始,以社会主义为工人运动的最终目标来结束。键入贝文’在1920年至1940年的20年间,他的名字被命名为“英国报纸档案馆”(British Newspaper 封存),并将搜索范围限制在爱尔兰报纸上,而他访问北爱尔兰和自由邦时也有数十篇文章。 1932年4月,他来到贝尔法斯特与爱尔兰北部的船东进行谈判’ Federation, which was trying impose wage reductions on 码头工人. On his way to Belfast from Dublin he stopped in Lurgan to address textile workers before continuing to Belfast to a mass meeting of dockers in St Mary’的大厅。第二天在中央大酒店与船东进行谈判。的 北方辉格 noted 日at as with a similar dispute in Glasgow 贝文 adopted a conciliatory approach, offering acceptance of a smaller reduction in return for guarantees on future working conditions (北方辉格, 4月4日, 1932). 贝文 was keen to bring in 日e government as arbiter and an official of 日e Stormont ministry of labour was invited to be an independent chairman of 日e negotiations. 的 same day 贝文 also addressed fifty-two delegates from 日e spinning, weaving, bleaching and finishing branches of 日e linen trade at 日e union hall to encourage 日em to enrol more members  并商定协议以防止任何减薪。傍晚,他回到了圣玛丽’礼堂与男服务员领袖汉纳威(W Hannaway)先生率领的代表会晤’工会部分,讨论国家行政人员如何帮助他们处理非工会劳工并确保在贝尔法斯特适用国家工资和条件。这可能是格里·亚当斯(Gerry Adams)中提到的同一个人’s 跌倒的回忆 as “grandfather Hannaway”, a prominent full-time union official. A visit of little over twenty-four hours illustrated something of 日e range of occupations and industries 日at 贝文’组织了工会。报告还表明,他为自己从贫困中崛起而感到自豪,他在1930年代中期不仅成为工会运动的主导人物,而且成为工党的制王者。

布洛克接着又写了两卷,总计达2,000页。他有能力将一整本书献给贝文担任工会领袖。阿多尼斯必须用三百页以上的内容覆盖整个职业生涯。他还选择强调贝文’在战后遏制苏联,建立北约和建立西德方面起着决定性作用。他承认,结果是运输和一般工人成立后的二十年工业事务和纠纷’尽管《总罢工》有一章专门论述了1922年的联盟,但该联盟在很大程度上被忽略了。在阿多尼斯’罢工虽然对工会造成了灾难,但对贝文而言却算是成功的成功,因为罢工将他推向了国家领导层,并树立了坚强,务实和认真的声誉。它还密封了他与工会联合会秘书长沃尔特·西蒂林的伙伴关系,他们在工会运动中团结起来反对共产主义,并致力于建立工会联合会和TGWU,作为与雇主和国家进行国家谈判的基础。正是贝文(Bevin)在改变工党方面发挥了核心作用 先驱报 into a mass circulation newspaper after stepping in to prevent an attempt by 日e left-wing Labour MP and future Labour Party leader George Lansbury to have it clandestinely funded by 日e Soviet Union. Thanks to 贝文 日e TUC took a stake in 日e paper, which was relaunched in 1929, with 贝文 touring 日e country over 日irty-five consecutive weekends to persuade Labour and trade union members to subscribe. By 1933 it was 日e first newspaper in 日e world to reach a circulation of two million.

贝文’庞大的职业道德与阿多尼斯(Adonis)相结合,将其与劳埃德·乔治(Lloyd George)进行比较,“magpie mind”: “他们几乎不读书,但他们读书的人…并挑选出闪闪发光的想法…将它们藏在政治巢穴中。”1929年大萧条后,拉姆齐·麦克唐纳(Ramsay MacDonald)成立了麦克米伦委员会(Macmillan Committee),他与凯恩斯建立了友谊,以考虑工业与金融之间的关系,这反映出他对1925年使英国重返金本位的决定具有开创性的反对,在爱德华时代,地方和中央政府通过创造就业计划以及倡导国家养老金和失业救济来解决失业问题。

的 membership of 贝文’工会的人数从1924年的300,000人增加到1945年的1,200,000人,是迄今为止英国最大的有组织的工会组织。根据其爱尔兰组织者,前北爱尔兰工党议员山姆·凯尔(Sam Kyle)的说法,它还在1934年在贝尔法斯特举行的全爱尔兰工会会议上的讲话中,“全国最大最强大的工会” (贝尔法斯特电报,10月18日, 1934), 贝文 addressed 日e meeting on 日e growing fascist 日reat to Europe, which could only be met by collective action, while Kyle noted 日e campaign of 日e Irish Transport and General Workers Union, supported by 日e Fianna Fá政府将利用经济战后引起的民族主义情绪来挖走都柏林TGWU的成员。

贝文 had used his unique powers of persuasion to bring together eighteen  unions in 日e docks and road transport to create 日e TGWU. Adonis quotes Francis Williams, 贝文’s first biographer: “在某些人是作家或艺术家的意义上,贝文是一个组织者。他在组织中发现了他的自我表达方式。”为了防止巴尔干化,他建立了贸易和地区组织的重叠结构,在这些组织中,谈判和争端是贸易组织的主要责任,但罢工权归中央执行官。为了寻求与雇主达成协议,接受工会的合法性,并建立了讨价还价的结构,他强烈反对非正式的罢工,经常将罢工归咎于共产党的武装分子’s Minority Movement.

Churchill knew 日at no other figure in 日e labour movement could lead 日e total mobilisation of 日e working class for 日e war effort. 贝文’作为劳工部长的第一个演讲是对2000名工会官员的要求,他要求他们为国家服务:“我们是社会主义者,这是对我们社会主义的考验。” This was not to be a one-sided bargain, because 日e working class 日rough its sacrifices was to become an equal part of 日e state. 贝文 would boast 日at Britain mobilised more of its population 日an did Nazi Germany and 日is involved 日e conscription of women between 日e ages of twenty and 日irty and 日e encouragement of all women of working age to take up war work. As a result, 日e female share of 日e labour force increased from 18 to 30 per cent between 1939 and 1943.

Adonis points out 日at 日e annual average of days lost to strikes in 日e period 1915-1918 was much higher 日an between 1940 and 1944. However 日e number of strikes was considerably higher during 日e Second World War and it was in large part because of 日e active role played by 贝文, his local officials and 日e officials of 日e ministry of labour 日at many were quickly settled. 贝文’在战争中的作用仅次于丘吉尔’s,这在很大程度上反映了他在工会运动最高峰的20年。他自己的工会跨越了该国大部分主要行业,正如阿多尼斯(Adonis)所表明的那样,他对英国各地工厂和工作场所的不间断访问意味着他几乎了解所有工会’s 1,500个组织者。因此,他几乎在他的事工的各个方面都是专家’s business.

Attlee later claimed 日at he had decided to make 贝文 foreign secretary because he would stand up to Stalin and it is 贝文’s role in stiffening 日e resolve of Roosevelt and later Truman in dealing with 日e Soviet Union 日at gets particular emphasis. Adonis has little time for 日ose, like Saville, who depict 贝文 as an increasingly infirm prisoner of his officials. It is certainly 日e case 日at a long history of tussles with communists in 日e trade union movement meant 日at he needed few lessons in scepticism towards 日e USSR from Foreign Office mandarins. Adonis’s largely admiring view of 贝文 at 日e Foreign Office echoes 日ose of Bullock and Kenneth O Morgan, who in his 执政劳工1945-1951, 描述“一个持续的创造力时期,自从皮特长老以来,几乎没有英国外国秘书产生过”.

的 equation of fascism and communism and 日e imperative to resist both is seen as 贝文’最基本,最重要的见解。书中没有提到斯大林格勒,也没有认识到苏联在盟军与纳粹的斗争中承担了大部分人员和物质损失,并在击败德国方面起了决定性作用。正如阿多尼斯所说,是共产主义,“对劳工运动和民主政治的生存威胁”?西方关注斯大林的程度’1945年后的野心有些夸张:他准备利用土耳其和伊朗等弱点,并向法国和意大利强大的共产党提供财政和宣传支持,但他的首要任务是捍卫苏联’东欧的势力范围。

贝文’比起对国际力量平衡的分析,它的反共主义更能反映出他与TGWU和其他工会中的共产主义工业武装冲突的历史。 CPGB在1945年选举了两名国会议员,但在1950年的选举中,其一百名候选人全部被击败,其中97名失去了存款。但是,聚会 ’s position in 日e trade union movement was stronger: it was influential among 码头工人, Welsh and Scottish miners and electrical workers. 的re were eight communists on 日e TGWU national executive of 日irty-eight. 贝文’他的继任者亚瑟·迪肯(Arthur Deakin)希望将共产党员排除在工会办公室之外。 1948年10月,总工会总理事会发表声明,谴责该党成员为“不断地加剧社会苦难并造成混乱和经济动荡的条件的部队的顽固和奴役分子”. In 1949 贝文’工会投票禁止共产党员上任,而艾德礼(Attlee)对工会中的共产主义活动非常关注,以至于他考虑了刑事起诉(执政劳工1945-1951,OUP,1984,295-296)。

贝文’s anti-Sovietism was 日e key to explaining why he played a decisive role in 日e creation of West Germany. While Churchill and Roosevelt had signed up for 日e Morgenthau plan for 日e dismemberment and deindustrialisation of Germany, 贝文 pushed for 日e merger of 日e British, US and French zones of occupations, including 日e core industrial areas of 日e country, to be 日e basis of a new state strong enough to keep 日e economic core of Germany firmly in 日e West. Associated with 日e process of state formation was 日e active part 贝文 played in 日e launching of 日e Marshall Plan and 日e subsequent creation of NATO.

Two areas of foreign policy are singled out for criticism: 贝文’s opposition to a two-state settlement in Palestine and his unabashed defence of Britain continuing as an imperial power. 的 two are linked in 日at 贝文 and 日e Foreign Office’s concern to maintain British control of oilfields in 日e Middle East resulted in a pro-Arab stance which was opposed to significantly increasing Jewish migration to Palestine, despite 日e Holocaust and intense pressure from Truman to do so. According to Richard Crossman, 贝文’s idée fixe 是英国犹太人在中东的地位受到犹太共产主义阴谋的威胁:“我相信[俄国人]坚信,通过移民,他们可以在很短的时间内将足够的受灌输的犹太人倒入共产主义国家。” (Anthony Julius, 流散者的审判英国反犹太主义的历史, OUP, 2010, p 333). Adonis has little time for attempts by Bullock and Morgan to acquit 贝文 of antisemitism. 贝文 never understood 日e driving force of Jewish nationalism or 日e emotional impact of 日e Holocaust in transforming 日e Palestinian issue. This blindness reflected a deep-rooted and ugly antisemitism. For him a Zionist was “一个犹太人,他从另一个犹太人那里收钱,将另一个犹太人送到巴勒斯坦”,而收藏家所占的比例很高。他和艾德礼都沉迷于犹太人和金钱的比喻。他在1946年的工党会议上说,美国对犹太移民向巴勒斯坦的热情是因为“他们不想在纽约有太多犹太人”.

贝文’相信大英帝国的进步性使他对艾德礼不感同情’决定授予印度独立,并决定非洲和中东将成为重塑帝国的心脏。战争实际上使该国破产,使英国从世界上撤离 ’最大的债权国与其最大的债务国。战前立即的军事和​​外交支出费用为£每年600万。 1947年,当英国在大西洋,地中海和印度洋拥有完整的舰队时,军事开支为£209 million and over 90 per cent of Marshall Aid, which 贝文 had played a central role in securing, was spent on paying off its massive debt. By 1951, spending on defence, including 日e highly secret decision to acquire 日e atomic bomb, was more 日an twice as much as on 日e welfare state.

Adonis, like many commentators before him, blames 贝文’s imperial delusions for economically crippling 日e country and 日e failure to support and be involved in 日e Schuman Plan which created 日e basis for European integration. Yet at 日e time 贝文 was far from alone in believing 日at as empire transformed into commonwealth it continued to form 日e basis for national strength ‑ in 1950 half of British exports went to Commonwealth markets . 的 sterling balances held in London by 日ese countries also made it easier for 日e UK to deal with its periodic balance of payments crisis. 的 Bank of England believed 日at British participation in European integration could only come at 日e expense of financial and fiscal independence. Anticipating 日e Lexiteers of today, many in 日e labour movement feared 日at involvement in European integration would limit 日e power to pursue socialist policies at home. As Herbert Morrison explained to 日e cabinet when it considered 日e Schuman Plan: “It’s no good, we can’这样做,达勒姆矿工赢得了’t wear it.”

大卫·埃格顿(David Edgerton)曾在正面挑战阿多尼斯(Adonis)中出现的战后衰落的叙事,这是帝国妄想的产物。 不列颠民族的兴衰,他指出战后政府在投资于新的生产能力方面的成功。这种由国家主导和管理的国民经济,意味着从1940年代末到1970年代初,国内生产总值平均每年增长2-3%。在1975年至2000年之间,以实际GDP衡量的国家蛋糕的规模增加了一倍以上,而工人阶级,即人口的绝大部分,从紧缩政策到1950年至1975年之间的相对富裕。福利主义偏见,并且两党都承认有组织的工人阶级是该国的权力-值得阿多尼斯’恢复其历史意义的决心。在英国的背景下,它与帝国和军事项目有关’作为唯一未入侵或占领的欧洲主要大国的战时经历,在很大程度上是不可避免的。自1945年以来在欧洲历史上已故的托尼·朱特(Tony Judt)指出,伦敦还有更多’1950年的立场比帝国自欺欺人。引用让·莫奈(Jean Monnet)的话,写出与法国和德国不同的英国“她觉得没有必要驱魔历史”, he comments: “这种对国家的宁静自豪感’英国遭受苦难,持久和获胜的能力使英国脱离了欧洲大陆。” (战后,Pimlico,2007,p 161)。

1/2/2021

亨利·帕特森(Henry Patterson)是阿尔斯特大学(Ulster University)爱尔兰政治的名誉教授。

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